Huntington predicted Hungary's successful transition to democratic pluralism
By now, it is received wisdom that Samuel P. Huntington's "clash of civilizations" theory did much to affect the analysis and understanding of postcommunist transitions in the East and Central European states. Unfortunately, Huntington's insightful explanations for the rise of religious extremism were not appropriately applied in the context of Hungary, one of those "Catholic" countries that Huntington believed would manage the transition from totalitarianism to democractic pluralism more successfully.
Conversely, Huntington expected Romania's transition to democracy to be much less successful. Economically, this has been accurate. But the difference between the Hungarian and Romanian economic transitions can be explained by the opening of the Hungarian economy prior to fall of communism as contrasted with Ceausescu's increased devotion to hardline economic communism during the same period. Put simply, Hungary had existing social and economic institutions to faciliate the transition to a mixed market economy. Romania had nothing of the sort.
Huntington's predictions, however, were not premised on economics but rather on the culture and "civilization" of these two countries. I think Huntington was wrong about Hungary. I venture to say he was dead wrong. It is becoming rather difficult the rising wrong of Mr. Huntington's thesis with respect to the transitions.
The continuing rise of the Hungarian right-wing extremists
As anyone who reads this blog knows, Hungarian right-wing nationalists have been framing the political and legislative agenda for over a decade now. Despite the lessons of the recent wars in the former Yugoslavia, extremism in Hungary continues to rise. (In fact, one could even make a case that it continues to rise as a result of the success of Milosevic and other extremists in gaining and keeping large territorial concessions through the use of extremist rhetoric and the so-called "defensive" terrorism against non-Serb populations.)
The recent elections of April 2013 revealed significant gains for Hungarian extremists on the ballot. Jobbik candidate Balázs Ander received 31 percent of the vote- three times more than the party received in 2010 national election.For the sake of "objectivity", I'll translate these electoral results according to the meaning attributed by the Hungarian nationalists themselves:
These results show that the national radical party has become the second most popular party not only in Eastern and Central Hungary, but also in some parts of the Transdanubian region as well and as such, it might become the main challenger of Fidesz in the 2014 national election.
Apart from contributing to the myth of Hungarian greatness by maintaining a running record of its star atheletes and guard dogs, Hungarian Ambiance, the blog cited above, also keeps Hungarian extremists informed about the status of the God-given struggle to reclaim the territory that would comprise a Greater Hungary.
Make no mistake- this is a movement that has been gaining steam and popular support rather rapidly. In April 2012, a member of parliament affiliated with Jobbik, the Movement for a Better Hungary, which The Economist describes as "a radical nationalist party", revived the blood libel that Jews murder Christian children in a parliamentary speech that made its way around the web. Jobbik's leader, Gabor Vona, has earned success based on a platform of patriotism and xenophobia ("preventing foreigners from contaminating Hungarian values").
Conservative prime minister Viktor Orban, affiliated with Fidesz, has both flamed and flirted with Hungarian nationalist fever, using it to maintain political support among the working classes, youth, and villages. Orban has done as much to promote this extremism as Milosevic did to promote Serbian extremism. Perhaps he thought Orban believed he could fan it and then keep it under control. Perhaps Orban has been sleeping through the last century.
Orban was quick to condemn the anti-Semitic violence and vandalism that followed April 2012's parliamentary nonsense. But he didn't address the larger problem of a right-wing extremism's rise. In fact, he left a number of legislative ventilation shafts for such extremism by emphasizing the role of local governments in adopting extremist-supported statutes.
In an interview with Die Presse, Orbán insisted on the separation of "political and historical debates". Orban's plank elevates democracy over tolerance and liberalism- if the people in Hungarian municipalities want to erect a statue of Lenin, Stalin, or Hitler, he would not stand in their way. And he will make sure that no laws exist which stand in their way either. So much for the democratic pluralism in Hungary these days.
The poetry of the Hungarian nationalist renaissance
One of the best articles I’ve read on the rise-rise-rising of the Hungarian right-wing was recently published on DK- ”Hungary experiences nationalism renaissance”. The article follows the historic rehabilitation of a Hungarian poet; it's hard to miss the meaning in the tea leaves. I'm going to quote Keno Versek's article in its entirety:
Nationalism is on the rise in Hungary. The works of a far-right poet are to be taught in schools, while his remains are to be buried in his hometown in neighboring Romania - against the will of the Romanian government.
Jozsef Nyiro was born in 1889 in Szekler Land, a Romanian region of Transylvania, which at the time was a part of Hungary. He was not only a simple "blood-and-soil" poet, but one of the leading cultural ideologues during the rule of Hungary's national socialist Arrow Cross Party from October 1944 to March 1945, when tens of thousands of Jews were massacred or sent on death marches.
Nyiro served in the Arrow Cross Party's parliament, and he remained faithful to Ferenc Szalasi's fascist regime up to the end of the World War Two. After 1945, he was hunted as a war criminal by both Hungary and Romania, but he was able to flee to Germany and then to Franco's Spain in 1950. Today, his works are compulsory reading for Hungarian school children.
The Romanian government recently banned a re-burial ceremony in his honor. According to Romanian Prime Minister Victor Ponta, the decision was issued in order to prevent the poet's grave from becoming a pilgrimage spot for far-right extremists.
In its place, an ecumenical service was held on Pentecost Sunday at the poet's birth place, attended by the Hungarian State Secretary for Culture Geza Scocs and Parliamentary President Laszlo Kover. The latter declared that the planned re-burial would take place sooner or later, even if was against the will of the "uncivilized, hysterical, paranoid, barbaric" Romanian government. He added that the people, "who had a son whose ashes were feared," would be "victorious."
Szocs has since admitted, in online Hungarian publication index.hu, that the urn containing the fascist poet's ashes had been smuggled into Romania. He said that despite the conspiratorial operation, "nothing illegal had happened," but that he no longer knew the ashes' location.
The planned re-burial of Nyiro's remains is part of Hungary's recent nationalist renaissance, successfully driven by the country's far-right, and it now boasts the whole-hearted support of Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban and his conservative nationalist Fidesz party.
I should add that Orban has always supported and encouraged this "nationalist renaissance". It should also be noted that the revitalization of fascist "heroes" is only a symptom of the drastic anti-Semitism currently warming Hungarian streets. Earlier this month, the The World Jewish Congress announced that it will hold its annual assembly in Budapest in May to show solidarity with Hungary’s Jews, who it says are facing “exceptionally strong and aggressive anti-Semitic voices."
Orban is re-assessing relations with those neighboring countries that still have significant Hungarian minorities: Slovakia, Serbia, and Romania. After two decades of working to re-establish friendly relations while still attempting to gain better rights for minorities, Fidesz is now following a new revisionist policy. At least for now, the party is unlikely to risk the taboo of renegotiating borders - or revising the 1920 Treaty of Trianon where Hungary lost two-thirds of its territory - but it is significant that Fidesz, more than any other post-communist Hungarian government, is emphasizing the unity of all Hungarian people in the region.
Hungarians everywhere are being reminded of their "holy duty" to their nation - either through the "Day of National Solidarity" on June 4, meant to commemorate the "tragedy of Trianon," or through the new constitution - which came into force at the start of the year - or in the controversial media law.
At the same time, Orban is intervening in domestic politics in Slovakia and Romania by supporting the Hungarian minorities there - often by helping them to re-found parties. In some instances, like the aborted burial of Nyiro, Fidesz politicians indulge in more or less open electioneering in their neighboring country.
Romaniais holding municipal elections on June 10, when the Romanian-based Hungarian minority party MPP hopes to overtake the more moderate Democratic Union of Hungarians (RMDSZ). For many years, the centrist RMDSZ was the only political representation of Romania's Hungarian minority. It even took part in several government coalitions between 1996 and 2010.
In 2011, activists from the Hungarian National Council of Transylvania, under the leadership of MEP László Tőkés, helped establish the MPP party as a rival to the existing ethnic Hungarian political organizations, which were deemed too moderate for Orban's go-get-'em taste. Apparently, moderation is not desirable when representing ethnic minorities in a geographic location.
Parallel to this political revisionism, Hungary is also in the process of rehabilitating Miklos Horthy, who governed the country from 1920 to 1944 with an authoritarian, ultra-conservative clerical regime. Horthy, a notorious anti-Semite, was responsible for the deportation of over 400,000 Hungarian Jews in the spring and summer of 1944 - they were eventually murdered in Auschwitz. Now new plaques and statues are to be unveiled in his honor.
But the success of this new nationalist, revisionist line remains in doubt. Hungary has become isolated in the EU, where the country is considered a destabilizing force in central and southeastern Europe. On top of that, Orban and his party may have permanently weakened the representatives of Hungarian minorities in those neighboring countries.
For example, Prime Minister Orban recently funded the establishment and construction of a Hungarian college inside the borders of western Ukraine. When asked why he was willing to allocate such a gargantuan amount of money to this project, Orban explained that "state borders separating Transcarpathian Hungarians from the European Union are becoming less and less relevant". To whom, I wonder?
The Hungarian Coalition Party (MKP), supported by Fidesz, failed to enter the Slovakian parliament in a recent election there. As a consequence, the Hungarian community's political representation in Slovakia sank from 14 percent to 9 percent.
The Hungarian minority in Romania faces an even bigger disaster in November's parliamentary election. Around 400,000 Hungarians have left Transylvania in the past two decades. As a consequence, the community's political representation could diminish to the minimum of mandatory delegates that every minority in Romania is entitled to.
Not only that, but no fewer than three Hungarian parties are standing in the election, and the number of Hungarian votes will barely be enough to allow one of them to clear the 5 percent hurdle necessary to enter parliament.
But perhaps, viewed cynically, this is precisely Orban's plan - to encourage as many disenfranchised and disappointed Hungarians to return to Hungary as possible. That would secure Orban's party a stable and long-term voter base. It would also ease Hungary's chronic demographic problems, without relying on the immigration of non-Hungarians.
"Nation-building" has no regards for the rule of law
With the politics of nationalism comes the politics of "other"-based exclusion. Earlier this month, the Wall Street Journal featured an article on the "looming" legal segregation of Roma in Hungarian schools. Everyone knows that it's hard to teach extremist nationalism in a classroom including ethnic minorities. Solution? How about separate education for those minorities, many of whom also might be said to tarnish the sanctity and purity of Hungarian values.
And the good news just keeps coming. Last week, controversy erupted over accusations that the Hungarian government flouted Romanian campaign finance law by using state-owned companies and institutions to finance political parties serving Romania's Hungarian minority. These laws prohibit the foreign funding of domestic political parties.
Transindex, a Hungarian news portal, published its findings that "state-controlled Hungarian institutions such as MVM Hungarian Electricity, the Hungarian Development Bank, and Hungarian National Asset Management Inc. channeled roughly EUR 1 million to newly-established civil society groups whose founders and staff members are either close associates or political candidates of the Hungarian People’s Party of Transylvania. It will be interesting to see how this plays out before the Romanian elections in June.
As for Jobbik, Fidesz, and Orban, it's time for US scholars and activists to start asking questions about the ugly, shamless extremism which has gained prominence in Hungary. Let's face it- Huntington was right about some things (albeit, only a very few) yet very wrong about this thing. His cultural analysis should not be the frame of reference for intelligent Europe-watchers. I'll save the juicy details on ties the Hungarian terrorist network for another day this week...
Please pardon me if I can't muster any tiny violins for Orban and his crew. And forgive me if I can't find it in my "heart of hearts" to forgive the apologists who believe that wishing it wasn't the case actually has any effect on the verity of what is, in fact, the case. Hungarian nationalism is not going away- it's been too well-seeded, tended, and cultivated for decades now. The time for wishful thinking is long past.
MORE ON THE RISE OF HUNGARIAN NATIONALISM AND ITS EFFECTS:
"Hungarian terrorists enjoy vacations in Bolivia" (Romania Revealed)
April 2013 Open Letter to Europe's Citizens (Hungarian Ambiance)
Miklos Horthy (Yad Vashem)
Miklos Horthy, Jr. (Wikipedia)
"Does Hungary have a new hero?" (The Economist)
"Government still after red stars" (Budapest Times)
"Biggest march of living held in Budapest" (Ynet News)
Christian Democrats oppose place names honoring dicatators and racists (Politics.hu)
"Jobbik's anti-Roma crusade" (Press Europ)